Introduction In Haiti, where illiteracy and linguistic precariousness rates remain structurally high, political communication constitutes a major strategic issueIn Haiti, where rates of illiteracy and linguistic precariousness remain structurally high, political communication represents a major strategic issue. It requires public actors to have the ability to navigate between several discursive registers: that of academic expertise, based on conceptual rigor, and that of popular mobilization, which relies on semiotic empathy and symbolic accessibility. However, many intellectuals and technocrats trained in academic spheres struggle to make this distinction, which leads to misunderstandings with often serious political consequences..The case of Professor Leslie Fran\u00e7ois Manigat constitutes a relevant starting point for examining this phenomenon. A major intellectual figure, Manigat repeatedly employed formulations whose rhetorical scope, although justifiable within an academic framework, proved counterproductive in the public sphere. This article aims to analyze, from an explanatory and academic perspective, the recurrent strategic communication errors among actors from the Haitian scholarly milieu, using a theoretical framework borrowed from information and communication sciences. It will seek to show that the mismatch of the discursive register, far from being anecdotal, contributes to a symbolic marginalization of non-schooled populations and fuels a lasting distrust towards intellectual elites.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
The first difficulty encountered by intellectuals in politics lies in the inability to distinguish the respective purposes of academic discourse and political discourse. This distinction relates to a fundamental principle in strategic communication: that of adapting the message to the receiver. As the communication model developed by Harold Lasswell (1948) reminds us, all effective communication relies on answering five essential questions: ‘Who says what, through which channel, to whom, with what effect?’. Ignoring the ‘to whom’ component inevitably leads to a reception failure.<\/p>\n\n\n\n
From this perspective, Roman Jakobson’s model (1963) specifies that every act of communication is structured by six linguistic functions, among which the ‘conative function,’ the one that aims to act on the receiver, must prevail in political discourse. While academic discourse favors the ‘referential function’ (objectivity and the transmission of<\/p>\n\n\n\n
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